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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">mos</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Современные востоковедческие исследования</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Modern Oriental Studies</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2686-9675</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2782-1935</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Казанский (Приволжский) федеральный университет</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24412/2686-9675-1-2024-111-127</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">mos-67</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИСТОРИЧЕСКИЕ НАУКИ &amp; МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>HISTORYCAL SCIENCES &amp; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Представления о роли внешних акторов в ливийском конфликте в современном экспертно-аналитическом сообществе Турции (на примере анализа материалов SETA)</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Representations on the role of external actors in the Libyan conflict in the modern expert and analytical community of Turkey (the case of SETA materials)</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Лукьянов</surname><given-names>Г. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Lukyanov</surname><given-names>G. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Лукьянов Григорий Валерьевич</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Grigory V. Lukyanov</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">gvlukyanov@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Кулиева</surname><given-names>Н. С.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Kuliyeva</surname><given-names>N. S.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Кулиева Нубара Салман кызы</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Nubara S. Kuliyeva</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Институт востоковедения Российской Академии Наук</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Национальный исследовательский университет Высшая школа экономики</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>National Research University Higher School of Economics</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2024</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>21</day><month>10</month><year>2025</year></pub-date><volume>6</volume><issue>1</issue><fpage>111</fpage><lpage>127</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Лукьянов Г.В., Кулиева Н.С., 2025</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2025</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Лукьянов Г.В., Кулиева Н.С.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Lukyanov G.V., Kuliyeva N.S.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://mos.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/67">https://mos.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/67</self-uri><abstract><p>Активизация политики Турции в отношении ливийского конфликта после эскалации вооруженного противостояния в апреле 2019 г., ознаменованная подписанием с Правительством национального согласия в Триполи двух меморандумов: «О взаимопонимании в области безопасности и военного сотрудничества» и «По вопросу разграничения морских границ в Восточном Средиземноморье», — сформировала новый баланс сил и укрепила экономические и политические позиции Анкары не только в Ливии, но и во всем средиземноморском регионе. На этом фоне значительно выросло внимание экспертно-аналитического сообщества Турции к изучению интересов, инструментов и пределов возможностей внешней политики других международных акторов, вовлеченных в ливийский конфликт. В рамках статьи представлен обзор и предпринята попытка элементарного историографического анализа существующих в современном экспертно-аналитическом сообществе Турции представлений о роли внешних акторов в ливийском конфликте в свете ключевых интересов и целей турецкой внешней политики. Исследование построено на основе и результатах анализа материалов академического и экспертно-аналитического характера преимущественно на турецком и английском языках. При написании статьи были привлечены аналитические материалы турецкой «фабрики мысли» SETA, посвященные политике иностранных государств в Ливии. Авторы приходят к выводу о том, что в целом политика, проводимая иностранными государствами в Ливии, характеризуется турецкими экспертами как неэффективная и деструктивная, ввиду существующих в их позиции противоречий и ориентаций на максимизацию промежуточных выгод, а не конечное урегулирование конфликта. Исключением является лишь Италия, позиция которой расценивается турецкими экспертами как наиболее близкая к турецкому подходу к ливийскому конфликту. При этом турецкие исследователи подчеркивают раздражение внешних акторов активизацией турецкой политики в Ливии, в особенности после 2019 г., что может стать преградой не столько на пути реализации целей турецкой политики, сколько урегулирования конфликта.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The intensification of Turkey’s policy towards the Libyan conflict after the escalation in 2019, marked by the signing of two memorandums with the Government of National Accord in Tripoli: “On mutual understanding in the field of security and military cooperation” and “On the issue of demarcation of maritime borders in the Eastern Mediterranean” formed a new balance of power and strengthened Ankara’s position not only in Libya, but throughout the Mediterranean region. Against this background, the attention of the Turkish expert and analytical community to studying the interests, tools and limits of the foreign policy capabilities of other international actors involved in the Libyan conflict has increased significantly.</p><p>The article provides an overview and an attempt at a basic historiographical analysis of the existing ideas in the modern expert and analytical community of Turkey about the role of external actors in the Libyan conflict in the light of the key interests and goals of Turkish foreign policy.</p><p>The study is based on the results of the analysis of academic and expert-analytical materials mainly in Turkish and English. When writing the article, analytical materials from the Turkish “thought factory” SETA were used on the policies of foreign states in Libya.</p><p>The authors come to the conclusion that, in general, the policies pursued by foreign states in Libya are characterized by Turkish experts as ineffective and destructive, due to the contradictions existing in their positions and their focus on maximizing intermediate benefits, rather than the final resolution of the conflict. The only exception is Italy, whose position is regarded by Turkish experts as closest to the Turkish approach to the Libyan conflict. At the same time, Turkish researchers emphasize the irritation of external actors with the intensification of Turkish policy in Libya, especially after 2019, which may become an obstacle not so much to the implementation of the goals of Turkish policy as to the resolution of the conflict.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Турция</kwd><kwd>Ливия</kwd><kwd>SETA</kwd><kwd>ливийский конфликт</kwd><kwd>внешние акторы</kwd><kwd>аналитический центр</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Turkiye</kwd><kwd>Libya</kwd><kwd>SETA</kwd><kwd>Libyan conflict</kwd><kwd>external actors</kwd><kwd>think tank</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Kanbolat H., Karasar H.A. Turkiye'de Stratejik Duşunce Kulturu ve Stratejik Araştìrma Merkezleri: Başlangìcìndan Bugune Turk Duşunce Kuruluşlarì. 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