The aim of this study is to systematize the methods of translating multi-digit numbers in the Russian-Chinese language pair as described in Russian academic and educational literature, and to provide a detailed description of the author's original method of associations. The paper analyzes the structural differences in counting systems (the three-digit classification in Russian versus the four-digit classification in Chinese) and the specific features of writing multi-digit numbers in the PRC. Existing approaches to numeral translation are examined, including the structural-analytical method of Cui Zhexuan, the arithmetic algorithm of M.V. Rumyantseva and M.G. Frolova, and the "reference points" method. Particular attention is paid to the author's mnemonicbased method of associations. The article also lists recommended tools for translation practice. The analysis confirms that translating multi-digit numerals presents a significant methodological challenge stemming from fundamental structural differences in counting systems. The study concludes that there is no single universal method for effective instruction; rather, efficiency is achieved through a combination of different approaches adapted to the specific tasks of translation.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the evolution of scientific approaches to the study of the Dungan language throughout the 20th and early 21st centuries. Based on a retrospective review of a corpus of scholarly works, the main stages in the formation of Dungan studies as a distinct linguistic discipline are identified. The studies are systematized by country, chronology, and methodological direction, presented in the form of analytical tables and diagrams. Particular attention is paid to the shift in scientific paradigms: from structural and historical description to interdisciplinary research integrating methods of sociolinguistics, corpus linguistics, digital humanities, and artificial intelligence. It is concluded that the current stage is characterized by a transition from documentation and description to the forecasting of language changes and technologies for preserving linguistic heritage, which contributes to the theory of language contact and the methodology of preserving minority languages.

The article examines cultural barriers in Russian–Turkish diplomatic communication amid intensified political dialogue. Drawing on G. Hofstede’s cultural dimensions and E. Hall’s high-/low-context theory, the study analyses official statements, expert commentaries, and training materials using qualitative discourse and content analysis. It shows that misunderstandings arise primarily from differing conventions of meaning interpretation rather than information gaps, creating risks of false mutual understanding. The article substantiates institutional and educational measures aimed at reducing communicative failures and enhancing the predictability of diplomatic interaction.

National media in Turkey play a significant role in shaping public opinion and political discourse within the country. An analysis of the media demonstrates that leading Turkish newspapers covered the events of the 1980 military coup in different ways, reflecting the influence of the army and Kemalist ideology on the media space. Comparative analysis of the publications made it possible to identify differences in the assessment of the causes and consequences of the coup, as well as to show how media discourse contributed to the formation of public perceptions of the political situation. Thus, the study contributes to a deeper understanding of the role of Turkish mass media in the development of public opinion and the political landscape of Turkey.
The relevance of this study is обусловлена the fact that, despite the existence of a large number of works on related topics, the issue of media coverage of the 1980 military coup in the Republic of Turkey remains insufficiently explored in Russian historiography. An analysis of the leading Turkish newspapers of that period makes it possible to understand how historical memory of the event was formed, which narratives dominated, and how they influenced public opinion. This is especially important given that perceptions of the coup remain ambiguous to this day.
The scientific novelty of the study lies in the absence, until now, of comprehensive research in Russian academic literature devoted to the representation of the 1980 military coup in Turkish mass media. The comparative analysis of publications in leading Turkish newspapers makes it possible to identify differences in their ideological positions, determine the features of media discourse formation, and reconstruct a more holistic picture of Turkey’s information and political landscape in the early 1980s.
The aim of this research is to analyze publications in the Turkish newspapers Hu rriyet, Milliyet, and Cumhuriyet containing references to the 1980 military coup and to determine how leading Turkish newspapers assessed this event. Using the method of analysis, newspaper articles addressing the 1980 military coup were examined, while the comparative method made it possible to identify common features and differences among the texts. The descriptive method was used to present the findings of the study.

The article addresses the problem of teaching the locative construction with the preposition 在 zài in Chinese to Russian-speaking students, which is complicated by native language interference. The aim of the work is to substantiate a semantic approach to explaining the position of the locative construction in a sentence, taking into account the valency properties of the verb. The research material includes lexicographic sources, corpus examples, and typical student errors. The study employs methods of semantic and syntactic analysis, the comparative method, and the synthesis of pedagogical experience. It is shown that the choice between the prepositional (在 zài + place + verb) and postpositional (verb + 在 zài + place) construction is determined by the semantic type of the verb: action verbs (to work, to eat) require preposition, while locative verbs (to sit, to put) require postposition. Within the class of locative verbs, a distinction is proposed between stative (to live, to lie) and dynamic (to put, to park) verbs, which explains word order variability depending on the communicative focus — whether the emphasis is on the location of the action or its result. The article offers a step-bystep system of exercises and mnemonic techniques aimed at developing a stable linguistic skill.

The subject of the study is the process of formation and development of inclusive education in the Republic of Korea in the 20th-21st centuries. The relevance of the topic of this article is determined by the fact that inclusive education in South Korea is a complex and dynamically developing system based on the principles of equal opportunities and accessibility for all categories of students. The central element of this system is the training of qualified teaching staff who are able to work effectively with children with different educational needs. Starting in 2022, all pedagogical universities in the Republic of Korea must include a mandatory course on the basics of inclusive education in their curricula, which is a response to the growing need for specialists who know modern methods of working in an inclusive environment. This course covers a wide range of issues, from the psychological and pedagogical characteristics of students with disabilities to the practical aspects of developing adapted curricula and using special educational technologies.
The novelty of the study lies in a comprehensive review of the key aspects of the development of inclusive education in the Republic of Korea, an analysis of the main features and problems associated with its implementation in this country was carried out.

The relevance of the conducted research is determined by the key role of the periodical press in the processes of socio-political and cultural transformation of the Ottoman Empire from the Tanzimat era up to the early decades of the Turkish Republic. The Ottoman press was not merely a means of information but a complex multifunctional institution, actively used by various actors — the state, professional corporations, religious structures, and opposition groups — to implement specific ideological tasks, shape public opinion, and legitimize power. The aim of the work is to identify and analyze the political and ideological motives embodied through various types of periodicals — official, professional, satirical, and religious — and their evolution in the context of modernization projects. The materials and sources for the research involved a corpus of archival documents from Ottoman and republican archives, complete collections of key periodicals such as "Ceride-i Askeriye", "Ceride-i Adliye" (later "Adalet Dergisi"), "I lk O g retim", "Ceridei Tıbbiye-i Askeriye", and the satirical magazine "Molla Nasreddin", as well as an extensive body of scholarly literature, which allowed for the application of a comprehensive historical-typological and historical-functional methodological approach. The obtained results demonstrate that the official state press served as a centralized communication channel, systematically promoting the agenda of administrative and military reforms, strengthening bureaucratic rationalization, and consolidating professional communities around the values of modernization. Professional publications in the fields of education and medicine acted as conduits for modern knowledge and standards, simultaneously shaping a new civic and professional identity, often intertwined with elements of state propaganda. The satirical press, on the contrary, was a crucial instrument of social criticism, deconstructing the official discourse, combating conservatism, and expressing alternative ideologies, reflecting the growing pluralization of public space. A separate layer consisted of religious periodicals and book publishing, which evolved from strict restrictions to a system of rigorous state licensing and control under Sultan Abdul Hamid II, aimed at monopolizing the interpretation of Islam and using religion as a tool for legitimizing power. Based on the analysis, it is concluded that the Ottoman periodical press was an active agent and simultaneously an arena of the historical process, where the key ideologies of the era — Ottomanism, Islamism, Westernism, and nationalism — clashed and competed in symbolic form. Its study allows for the identification of the deep mechanisms of transformation in late Ottoman society and state, where the struggle for influence in the press was directly linked to the struggle for political future and cultural hegemony under conditions of largescale modernization.

India strengthens its position on the global stage every year, expanding beyond its regional status. New territories, including the countries of Central Asia, are emerging as areas of its foreign policy interests. This article examines three key areas of interaction: regional security, economics, and energy, and provides current examples of cooperation at various levels. Furthermore, the authors provide a description of Indian-Central Asian relations. The main conclusion of the paper is the urgent need to develop a comprehensive foreign policy and economic strategy between India and the countries of Central Asia.

This article analyzes some social-historical and ethno-cultural factors, that influenced the spread of religion in the North-west region of China, especially of the Turkic population. The author examines the introduction of religion into the area through the Silk Road, shifts in social powers, population migrations, and the cultural-religious receptivity of muslim peoples. Furthermore, the article highlights how the ethnic composition and the spiritual worldview of its population created favorable conditions for the adoption of Islam. The role of Islam is explored not only as a religious system but also as a civilizational phenomenon that shaped social, legal, and cultural institutions.
By employing historical-comparative, geopolitical, and content analysis methods, this study for the first time provides a comprehensive comparative analysis of the islamization process in this region within the framework of social-public and ethno-cultural influences. The article also thoroughly examines, with concrete evidence, the social and cultural impacts of neighboring states, as well as the historical-political events during the Arab and Mongol invasions. Particular attention is given to the interconnections of religions along the Silk Road, described with scholarly rigor.
This research constitutes an important source for readers interested in the religious history of this area. By addressing the islamization process in this scientific paper in the context of the interplay between the social and also the ethnocultural factors, the study contributes to a deeper understanding of the religious history for this region from a new perspective.

The relevance of this study is determined by the fact that, amid a complicated international situation and a proliferation of competing interpretations of the past, historical memory is increasingly becoming not only a subject of humanitarian policy, but also a significant resource for foreign policy legitimacy and allied consolidation. The purpose of this article is to show how the common commemorative framework that developed during the Soviet period, based on the mobilized collective memory of the Great Patriotic War and the Heroes of the Soviet Union, continues to function as the value basis for contemporary relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The research materials consist of the Declaration on the transition of bilateral relations to the level of comprehensive strategic partnership and alliance, signed following the state visit on November 12, 2025, as well as public statements, official communications, and information about memory practices (parades, memorial complexes, actions such as the Immortal Regiment, and search movements). Methodologically, elements of qualitative analysis of official discourse and institutional analysis of commemorative practices were used. The results demonstrate that appealing to a “shared history” and the symbolism of Victory Day serves both integrative and educational functions: it supports interstate cooperation, establishes an emotional and cultural basis for alliance, and ensures the intergenerational transmission of values. The conclusions justify that preserving a unified system of commemorative symbols and rituals remains an important element in strengthening bilateral relations.

This article examines the iemoto system — a traditional hierarchical structure for organizing schools in Japanese arts that has shaped their development for centuries. The aim of the paper is to analyze the criticism of this system in the second half of the 20th century, when it came to be perceived as an obstacle to creative freedom and the renewal of the arts.
Attempts to transcend the boundaries of the system are analyzed through three key case studies: the revolt of young Noh theater actors in 1970, who refused to follow the canons of a single school; the introduction of hierarchical structures into traditional Okinawan dance, which paradoxically led to a blurring of styles; and the history of the Sawai koto school (founded in 1979), established as an open educational institution but inevitably reproducing key elements of the iemoto system under pressure from students' demands.
It is concluded that the system's resilience is explained not only by the conservatism of tradition but also by its nature as a social contract reproduced "from below". The iemoto fulfills a socially demanded function of certification and institutionalized recognition, for which no alternative has emerged in contemporary Japan. Despite criticism, the system demonstrates a remarkable capacity for adaptation while retaining its structuring role.

This article examines the cultural policy of the Ottoman Empire specifically the state acts aimed at preserving the national and cultural heritage of the state in the period after the publication of the Tanzimat Edict. During this period, the Ottoman state was being increasingly subjugated by foreign powers and the Turkish intelligentsia, which had been formed through the development of an educational environment, was seriously concerned with the preservation of the state's cultural heritage. As a result, the government issued several special laws regulating actions regarding national-cultural values, which are cited and analyzed in this article.

This article marks the 85th anniversary of signing of the Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact and examines the origins of the agreement as well as the reactions of diplomatic circles both before and after its conclusion. Based on materials from Russian archives and documentary collections of the United States Department of State, the author analyzes how diplomats serving in the USSR, the United States, France, Japan and China, as well as politicians in these countries, perceived the Soviet–Japanese Pact. The first part of the article focuses on international reactions to the rapprochement between the USSR and Japan and to the negotiations that preceded the conclusion of the Neutrality Pact. The second part examines differing interpretations of the motives behind the Soviet–Japanese treaty and the responses it elicited abroad. Author concludes that attitudes toward the pact were ambivalent: while some observers regarded it as an important strategic step, others condemned it and interpreted it as the beginning of a new phase of aggression. With regard to the Soviet Union, the prevailing view was that Moscow agreed to the treaty in order to maintain stability in the Far East in light of the German threat. Japan’s participation in the agreement was largely perceived as a means of facilitating further expansion in Southeast Asia.

This article examines official visits and summit meetings between the leaders of Japan and the People’s Republic of China from 2014 to 2019 as an indicator of the normalization process following the sharp deterioration of bilateral relations in the early 2010s. The research problem lies in the lack of systematic analysis of high-level contacts as an independent measure of stabilization, despite their frequent mention in studies on East Asian diplomacy. The aim of the article is to assess the dynamics of the formats and thematic content of meetings between Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the Chinese leadership, represented by President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang. The study focuses on official visits and summit meetings held on the margins of international forums, with particular attention to references to historical issues, security concerns, and economic cooperation. The findings demonstrate that summit diplomacy during this period reflected a limited and asymmetrical form of stabilization rather than full normalization. The novelty of the article lies in treating leader-level visits and summits as an indicator of normalization efforts, rather than as a secondary or purely symbolic element of diplomatic interaction.

The Ahier Cham ethnic community, which primarily resides in Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan, is the most numerous of the Cham communities that practice other religions. They are Brahmanic. Despite its early introduction and the loss of numerous cultural legacies, Brahmanism has been heavily “localized.” The study examines the evolution of Brahmanism in the Ahier Cham ethnic community in Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan, Vietnam, based on ancient Brahmanism teachings in life-cycle rituals. It demonstrates that many Brahmanism birth and adulthood rituals have been replaced by indigenous customs in the Ahier Cham community. The patriarchal beliefs of Brahmanism have been radically altered by the matriarchal system. Although there are some traces of Brahmanism, such as the tradition of forbidding the consummation of the wedding night for three nights, wedding rites are overseen by the matriarchal system. The customs that most closely adhere to Brahmanism are funerals, particularly the idea of "reincarnation and liberation.” With the Creator portrayed as the “Mother of the land Po Inư Nagar” and stringent laws governing matrimony and Kut worship, Brahmanism was? “Chamized—localized” into a regional religion. Additionally, studies reveal that indigenous customs have developed alongside external influences, resulting in distinctive Cham cultural nuance.